“Forward ever, backward never: onwards with Breaking Through”
07/12/2016
Central Government employees are eligible for 3% DA but Government granted only 2% DA.
The Government assured that allowance committee will submit its report within 4 months. In spite of, completion of 4 months the committee has not submitted its report. Central government employees became,anger seeing the above.
FNPO cannot be a mere silent spectator after
Seeing employees anger, therefore FNPO and its affiliates have organised Protest week from 12th -19th December 2016.


Click the above link to see the details.
07/12/2016

Indian Railways Puts Aadhaar in the ‘Mandatory’ Conductor’s Seat Despite Supreme Court Order.

While January – March 2017 will be a voluntary trial phase, Aadhaar verification will be mandatory for senior citizen discounts from next April.

New Delhi: One week after the government declared that it was strictly adhering to the Supreme Court’s order on keeping the Aadhaar identification card system voluntary, the Indian Railways has decided that from April 1, 2017, Aadhaar verification would be mandatory for elderly passengers looking to avail of senior citizen discounts.
The railways’ decision to go ahead with making Aadhaar mandatory has been on the books for some time now. In September, The Wire had reported that railway ministry officials received a  proposal from the finance ministry in 2015 on how Aadhaar-linked senior citizen ticket bookings could help drastically cut down on fraudulent bookings; primarily carried out by a vast network of ticketing agents.
The railway ministry is now, however, moving cautiously with implementing the Aadhaar proposal. Officials are currently retooling the IRCTC website to add options for Aadhaar verification so as to make it voluntary for a brief period of time before making it a mandatory requirement next April.
“From 1st January to 31st March 2017, Aadhaar verification for getting concessional tickets for senior citizens shall be on voluntary basis. 2. With effect from 1st April 2017, Aadhaar verification for getting concessional tickets for senior citizens shall be mandatory,” documentation on the railways’ website says.
From last week, elderly passengers have already started being alerted of needing to add their Aadhaar cards to their IRCTC profiles. How does the process work? Initial documentation put up by the railways in a beta section shows how.
After logging into the online booking service, users will need to go to the ‘Master list’ section and “provide correct and complete details… as mentioned in the Aadhaar card”. After this, they can ask for a senior citizen concession option and add their Aadhaar number whenever they book tickets.
The matter of how Aadhaar numbers are verified still remains: Is it checked against the UIDAI database or is it merely stored and then checked in person by the train’s ticket collector?
Screenshot from the website.
Nevertheless, there does appear to be some verification process, as the image above shows. After it happens, users can then book tickets and avail of the concessions offered for senior citizens.
Legal or not?
Prasanna S., a lawyer who is currently part of a contempt petition case against the mandatory usage of Aadhaar in other instances, points out that the Indian Railway’s initiative to include Aadhaar-linked booking services, both as a voluntary mechanism from January to March 2017  and as a permanent and mandatory requirement from April 2017 would be in contravention of last year’s Supreme Court order on Aadhaar.
In October 2015, the Supreme Court allowed the use of the Aadhaar number for a number of government schemes (MGNREGS, Jan Dhan, central and state government pension schemes and EPFS) in addition to its existing use in the public distribution system and the distribution of cooking gas and kerosene.
“There are two problems here. Firstly, even the expanded usage of Aadhaar to other government programmes is strictly voluntary. So even voluntary use of Aadhaar for train ticket bookings is against the Supreme Court order. Secondly, making it mandatory from April runs afoul of last year’s Supreme Court order and September’s order on the national scholarship portal,” Prasanna told The Wire.
In September, the Supreme Court ruled that the Modi government’s national scholarship portal cannot require students to sign up for an Aadhaar number as part of its registration process. Crucially, this order also reaffirmed its interim order last year on the biometric authentication scheme. In its interim order last year, the Supreme Court said: “We will make it clear that the Aadhaar card scheme is purely voluntary and it cannot be made mandatory till the matter is finally decided by the court one way or the other.”
“With the notification of the Aadhaar Act, there had been some been confusing as to whether it negated the Supreme Court’s orders,” Prasanna said.
However, as pointed out at the beginning of this article, the government last week declared that it was “strictly adhering to the Supreme Court’s order” which says that having an Aadhaar number cannot be “a precondition for a citizen to obtain any benefit due to them”.
During a Lok Sabha session last week, minister of state for IT and electronics P.P. Chaudhary said that the individuals without Aadhaar numbers “could offer alternate means of identification for availing government subsidies, benefits and services”
What legal basis does the Indian railways decision to have senior citizens present their Aadhaar cards stand on then? It remains to be seen whether this decision will be challenged in court.
In September, The Wire had reported how a new set of UIDAI guidelines indicated that if any government agency planned on Aadhaar integration for its service, it would have to either direct Aadhaar-less people to a UIDAI registrar (so that they could sign up for an Aadhaar number) or set up enrolment centres themselves so that they could issue an Aadhaar number on the spot. It is still unclear what the railways plans on doing to comply with the UIDAI regulations.
Railways profit strategy
The decision to use Aadhaar as a means of plugging financial and fraudulent loopholes in the senior citizen discount scheme can be seen part of the railways’ larger initiative at saving money and boosting non-fare revenue. In October for instance, it announced that it would “monetise large volume of passenger data in its possession through target advertising”.
As Srinivas Kodali, a programmer, points out, the Indian railways has been slightly cavalier in the way it looks at information and data security.
Obvious questions, therefore, need to be raised as to how the railways plans on keeping the large database of senior citizen Aadhaar data (that it will soon maintain) secure.

Srinivasa Iyer Ramaswamy passes away, aged 82.

CHENNAI: Senior political satirist Srinivasa Iyer Ramaswamy, popularly known as Cho Ramaswamy, died in Chennai on Wednesday morning following a cardiac arrest. He was 82.Cho was admitted to Apollo Hospitals on November 29 for chronic obstructive pulmonary disorder (COPD). He was moved to the intensive care unit when his condition worsened. "He was watching the news and Jayalalalithaa funeral procession until Tuesday afternoon. His condition deteriorated and he was put on a ventilator," said a treating doctor. He died at 4am


06/12/2016
FNPO AFFILIATED UNIONS ORGANISING PROTEST WEEK FROM 12th DEC TO 19th DEC 2016.
AGAINST THE PREACH OF ASSURANCE BY THE GROUP OF MINISTER TO THE NJCA ON 30TH JUNE 2016.
REQUESTING THE  PRIME MINISTER TO CONSIDER OUR 16 POINTS ON 7TH CPC / LONG PENDING ISSUES.
CAMPAIGN AND MOBILIZE EVERY WHERE.
THE PROTEST WEEK MESSAGE SHOULD REACH EVERY POSTAL EMPLOYEE ACROSS THE COUNTRY. 
SG FNPO


Click the above link to see the details.

Approval relating to referral system and medical reimbursement under. CGHS – Enhancement of ceiling rate from Rs. 2 Lakhs to Rs. 5 Lakhs.

]Page 1 No. S.11011/20/2014-CGHS (P)/EHSS ºvºs, W sy 2 * al .

Click the above link to view order.


06/12/2016


More than Rs. 130 Crore in cash and jewellery has been seized and approximately Rs.2000 Crore of undisclosed income has been admitted by the taxpayers.
Press Information Bureau 
Government of India
Ministry of Finance
06-December-2016 17:46 IST
Income Tax (IT) Department carries-out swift investigations in more than 400 cases since the de-monetization of old High Denomination (OHD) currency on 8th November, 2016; More than Rs. 130 crore in cash and jewellery seized and approximately Rs. 2,000 crore of Undisclosed Income admitted by the taxpayers; IT Department refers large number of cases with serious irregularities detected Post De-monetization to Enforcement Directorate (ED) & CBI. 
The Income Tax Department has carried-out swift investigations in more than 400 cases since the de-monetization of Old High Denomination (OHD) currency announced by the Government on 8th November, 2016. More than Rs. 130 Crore in cash and jewellery has been seized and approximately Rs.2000 Crore of undisclosed income has been admitted by the taxpayers.
Detecting serious irregularities beyond the Income-tax Act, the CBDT decided to refer such cases to the ED and the CBI, enabling them to examine the criminal conduct for immediate necessary action. More than 30 such references have already been made to the ED, and are being sent to the CBI.
The Bengaluru Investigation Unit of the Income Tax Department has sent maximum references (18) to ED. These are cases where undisclosed cash in new high denomination notes was seized by the Department. The Mumbai unit has referred a case where Rs. 80 lakh in new high denomination currency notes were seized. Ludhiana Unit has referred 2 cases, where seizures of USD 14000 and Rs. 72 lakh in cash were made. Hyderabad, shared a case involving seizure of Rs. 95 lakhs cash from 5 persons travelling in a Tata Indica. Pune’s reference stems from a seizure of Rs. 20 lakhs cash, including 10 lakhs in new currency notes from an un-allotted locker of urban cooperative bank, the key of which was in the possession of the CEO of the bank. Two cases referred by the Bhopal unit are of jewelers against whom evidence of large scale pre-dating of bills and flouting of PAN reporting norms were detected during searches conducted. The cases referred from the Delhi unit include the Axis Bank, Kashmiri Gate in which complicity of officers of the bank in the malpractices was detected.
The concerted and coordinated enforcement action of the Income Tax Department, ED & CBI in detecting the malpractices and taking swift action is going to continue in the coming days.
*****
DSM/KA
 
06/12/2016
Tamilnadu Postal Circle will have closed holiday on 6 December 2016.
From: CPMG Tamilnadu Circle
Sent: 06 December 2016 09:19
Subject : Closed Holiday on 6 December 2016

To: PMG Chennai City Region; pmgmmchennai@gmail.com; PMG Coimbatore Region; PMG Madurai Region; PMG Tiruchirappalli Region; Director of Accounts (P), Chennai; ptcmadurai.dop; cotntech@gmail.com; cpctncircle.dop

Madam/ Sir,
I am directed to intimate that as per the Directive of Directorate all the offices in Tamilnadu Postal Circle will have closed holiday on 6 December 2016.
Asst. Director (Admin)
O/o the Chief Postmaster General

Tamilnadu Circle, Chennai

With Jayalalithaa’s Death, Politics in Tamil Nadu is Set to Turn Fluid, Unpredictable

The death of J. Jayalalithaa on Monday brings to an end the life of an extraordinary Indian politician – a single woman who gave up acting in movies to make the treacherous world of politics her own, establishing her leadership in a society where sexism is woven deep into the cultural fabric. But her demise also brings the curtain down on an entire political era in Tamil Nadu, the state she ruled firmly but not always fairly for 15 years over three decades. The certitudes which have governed Tamil politics are unlikely to survive her exit from the stage – an outcome that is at once testimony to the strength of her individual hold over the electorate but also to the essential weakness of her political legacy.
As chief minister, she ran an administration that produced some of India’s best social and economic outcomes despite the populism and caprice that were the hallmarks of her rule. She embodied not just unrestrained executive authority but a following among the party faithful and broad masses of the state that was almost devotional. Over the years, she perfected an idiom of governance that centred around leveraging state-funded populism (Amma canteens, Amma water, Amma pharmacies) to fuel a cult of personality that had few parallels anywhere in India – until the rise of Narendra Modi as BJP leader and eventually prime minister of India. In her party, she was the only person whose voice mattered ultimately. But as her own stature and clout grew, that of others in the party – not to speak of the party itself as an institution – shrunk in proportion. That is why her death places a big question mark over the long-term survival of her party. The smooth confirmation of O. Panneerselvam as chief minister only tells us that the AIADMK’s MLAs – and Jayalalithaa’s confidante Sasikala Natrajan – do not want to create a situation where infighting leads to fresh elections less than a year after the party romped back to power. Panneerselvam has done the job before, as Jayalalithaa’s personal nominee. As a Thevar, he has the right caste affiliations too, an issue that has been central to AIADMK’s electoral strategy in recent years. But as 2021, or possibly 2019 (when the next general election is held) draws closer, it is hard to see the AIADMK cohering as a formidable electoral force under him or Sasikala or any other party leader.
In the Dravidian-centric politics of the state, Jayalalithaa, supreme leader of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, was one pole around which power revolved, the other being the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam of her arch-rival, M. Karunanidhi. In a twist of fate, the DMK patriarch, now 92, is also ailing. But unlike the AIADMK, there is in place a succession plan of sorts whose strength, paradoxically, lies in the the fact that it is essentially dynastic.
There are, in India, broadly speaking, three types of political parties. The first are those which are cadre-based and ideologically-driven, such as the Bharatiya Janata Party on the right and the Communist parties, the Aam Aadmi Party and possibly the Janata Dal (United) of Nitish Kumar on the left and centre. The second are dynastic parties – that may have had their origin in an ideology or world view, such as the Congress, the Shiv Sena, the DMK, the Akali Dal or the Samajwadi Party but which are today essentially closely-held family properties. The third type are the single leader-driven parties, structured solely around the charisma or cult of personality of the supremo, such as Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party, Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress and Jayalalithaa’s AIADMK.
Political succession rarely poses existential problems for parties of the first type. The fate of the dynastic parties, on the other hand, depends to a large extent on the number of dynasts and the individual capabilities of the sons or daughters, nephews or nieces, chosen to inherit the political property. But it is in parties of the third type that succession poses the greatest crisis for there is neither the convenience of blood nor a political mechanism to choose a successor, and even if there were, there is certainly no leader who can aspire to play the larger-than-life individual role that the electorate has come to expect of the party.
The irony is that Jayalalithaa managed to overcome this problem when her own political mentor, AIADMK founder M.G. Ramachandran died in December 1987. At the time, it was far from certain that the mantle of leadership would be hers. Indeed, the dynastic-patriarchal tradition in Indian politics thrust power into the hands of MGR’s widow, Janaki, if only for 24 days. But the party knew its future would be more secure under the charismatic Jayalalithaa and rebelled against its new leader. President’s rule was imposed and the DMK came to power when elections were held. But in the run-up to the 1991 polls, the Janaki faction of the AIADMK meekly returned to the ‘mother’ party. Jayalalithaa won comfortably, becoming chief minister of Tamil Nadu. She was only 43. This is also when she consciously styled herself as ‘amma’, or mother. Kalyanraman explains the significance:
“During a students’ agitation against a hike in the fares of state-owned buses, Jayalalithaa pleaded with students not to disrupt their studies. Barely in her forties, she adopted the role of a mother figure in doing this. Over time, Amma has become a political and marketing brand – a reminder to Tamil Nadu’s poor that ‘The Mother’ is watching.”
From then on, the die was cast and it was clear that the party, despite Jayalalithaa’s own liberal cultural moorings, would go further and further down the autocratic path. The unchecked authority she enjoyed proved disastrous for her and the decisions she took in her first tenure as chief minister – many of which were cited in allegations of corruption – would return to haunt her for the rest of her political career. Unlike the BJP and Congress, which take a more ‘mature’ attitude towards the crimes and misdemeanours of their ‘national’ rivals and seldom launch proper investigations and prosecutions when they come to power, politics in Tamil Nadu was a lot more personal. Thanks to the sharp personal rivalry between Karunanidhi and Jayalalithaa, actual cases got filed, actual investigations were conducted and an incriminating docket was prepared that even at the time of her death was the subject of litigation before the Supreme Court.
The rivalry between the two titans of the state would sometimes get expressed in other, more destructive forms. When Karunanidhi built a grand edifice on Mount Road in order to shift the cramped state secretariat, Jayalalithaa promptly moth-balled the building when she returned as CM in 2011 – until a campaign by The Hindu led her to announce it would be converted into a hospital. A wonderful public library established by the erstwhile DMK government also came into her cross-hairs before she backed off in the face of public pressure. Garden-variety criticism of the kind opposition parties make would, in Tamil Nadu under Jayalalithaa, routinely be turned into a case of criminal defamation against the leader – and the media that reported the leader’s remarks.  As editor of The Hindu during her third – and least capricious term as CM – I had two criminal defamation cases slapped against me for merely reporting what DMK leaders had said in a press conference. While the disproportionate assets matter against Jayalalithaa in the Supreme Court will now no doubt be abandoned, those defamation cases will likely linger on even after her death.
If the AIADMK gradually weakens, it is tempting to speculate over what might take its place. The DMK will almost certainly go into the next elections under M.K. Stalin’s leadership and would hope to profit over the long haul from the death of their most formidable political opponent. But this may also be the moment for the smaller parties – the Pattali Makkal Katchi, the MDMK of Vaiko, the Dalit parties – to try and expand their influence. Vijaykant’s DMDK will also fancy its chances, as will the Congress and BJP, especially the latter.  All told, Tamil Nadu politics which had become rather stagnant of late finally has a chance to turn fluid. And less predictable.

05/12/2016

Jayalalithaa, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, passes away.

 J Jayalalithaa